There’s a high degree of similarity and dissimilarity between the arrests of perceived ritualistic killers in 1977 and that of March 2010 in Maryland County, Republic of Liberia.
SIMILARITY: In 1977 a juju person was used to identify the accused. In 2010, a juju person was also used to identify the accused. In 1977, the juju person came from RiverGee. At the time, RiverGee was part of Maryland County. Today, RiverGee is a county on its own. As for the juju person in March 2010, he also comes from the same RiverGee. In 1977, the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Liberia deplored special armed men of the Liberia National Police Force to keep everything under control. At the time the name given to the special paramilitary armed force was “Special Unit.” Today, in 2010, the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Liberia deplored the same paramilitary armed men. This time they call them “Emergency Response Unit” (ERU). Today as was yesterday years, ERU is now deplored in Maryland County for the same purpose of violence control. Those arrested in 1977 had their Constitutional and Human Rights abused. Those arrested in 2010 also had their Constitutional and Human Rights Abused. Both were identified by juju persons and arbitrarily arrested. Both groups’ names were circulating around town many days before the arrests. When the 1977 accused persons were arrested, they were immediately sent to the Maximum Prison Compound in Harper City. As for those of 2010, most of them were taken to the Police Headquarters where they received a high level of visitors. Only one of them was taken to the Maximum Prison Compound upon immediate arrest. And the only arrestee that was taken immediately to the Maximum Priosn Compound is Cllr. Fulton Yancy. The 1977 accused had no visitors as compared to those of 2010. Those arrested in 2010 were having a "great time". They were out in the Lobby of the Police Headquarters where girl friends as well as wives delivered food and drinks to them. With my own eyes, some of them had some alcoholic beverages. In simple terms, they did not look like arrestees. They were in a festive spirit. I saw that. So I know so. As for the 1977 arrestees, they had not the luxury to look over the windows of the Maximum Prison Compound to wave to their loved ones or friends. They were truly locked in. In 1977, the political structure was involved in the arrest of the accused. Today, it is also true politicians are involved in the politics surrounding the arrests. Pointedly, John Akel Ballout, the Senior senator of Maryland County and the Junior senator of Maryland, Gloria Musu Scott have their finger prints all over the Case.
DISIMILARITY: The juju person in 1977 was a female. The juju person of March 2010 is a male. The accused of 1977 were arrested and paraded in the streets of Harper City before their families, friends, loved ones and citizens butt-naked. Those arrested 2010 were never stripped naked. Those arrested in 1977 were mentally and physically tortured. They were placed in icy-chilly water to confess. They were beaten and testicles tied to wires and twine and drilled around town just to extract a confession. They were thrown into the chilly Atlantic Ocean. Because the juju woman told the Government by so doing, they would be weakened scientifically. And they would confess. As for those arrested in 2010, none was tortured physically. Why did all this happen in the opposite? Simple! In 1977, there were no International or local Human Rights organizations on the "ground." In 2010, we have The Catholic Justice & Peace Commission (JPC), Carter Center and more. In 1977, the United Nations was not visible on the ground. It did not have a Mission in Liberia. Today, 2010, we have The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). UNMIL has its own Human Rights Commission, Civil Affairs, Police & Military. In 1977, there were not a single social justice advocates like myself to raise an alarm over the abuses, arbitrary arrests and physical and psychological torture. In 2010, I am here and making some ripples through advocacy. Other social justice advocates and I are taking the Government of Liberia up to task and forcing it to protect and uphold the Constitution of the Republic. Most important, the sharpest dissimilarity in the two cases is that President Tolbert was totally involved in the 1977 Case. In the 2010 Case, Ellen is not directly involved. And it makes a sharp difference!
SIMILARITY: In 1977 a juju person was used to identify the accused. In 2010, a juju person was also used to identify the accused. In 1977, the juju person came from RiverGee. At the time, RiverGee was part of Maryland County. Today, RiverGee is a county on its own. As for the juju person in March 2010, he also comes from the same RiverGee. In 1977, the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Liberia deplored special armed men of the Liberia National Police Force to keep everything under control. At the time the name given to the special paramilitary armed force was “Special Unit.” Today, in 2010, the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Liberia deplored the same paramilitary armed men. This time they call them “Emergency Response Unit” (ERU). Today as was yesterday years, ERU is now deplored in Maryland County for the same purpose of violence control. Those arrested in 1977 had their Constitutional and Human Rights abused. Those arrested in 2010 also had their Constitutional and Human Rights Abused. Both were identified by juju persons and arbitrarily arrested. Both groups’ names were circulating around town many days before the arrests. When the 1977 accused persons were arrested, they were immediately sent to the Maximum Prison Compound in Harper City. As for those of 2010, most of them were taken to the Police Headquarters where they received a high level of visitors. Only one of them was taken to the Maximum Prison Compound upon immediate arrest. And the only arrestee that was taken immediately to the Maximum Priosn Compound is Cllr. Fulton Yancy. The 1977 accused had no visitors as compared to those of 2010. Those arrested in 2010 were having a "great time". They were out in the Lobby of the Police Headquarters where girl friends as well as wives delivered food and drinks to them. With my own eyes, some of them had some alcoholic beverages. In simple terms, they did not look like arrestees. They were in a festive spirit. I saw that. So I know so. As for the 1977 arrestees, they had not the luxury to look over the windows of the Maximum Prison Compound to wave to their loved ones or friends. They were truly locked in. In 1977, the political structure was involved in the arrest of the accused. Today, it is also true politicians are involved in the politics surrounding the arrests. Pointedly, John Akel Ballout, the Senior senator of Maryland County and the Junior senator of Maryland, Gloria Musu Scott have their finger prints all over the Case.
DISIMILARITY: The juju person in 1977 was a female. The juju person of March 2010 is a male. The accused of 1977 were arrested and paraded in the streets of Harper City before their families, friends, loved ones and citizens butt-naked. Those arrested 2010 were never stripped naked. Those arrested in 1977 were mentally and physically tortured. They were placed in icy-chilly water to confess. They were beaten and testicles tied to wires and twine and drilled around town just to extract a confession. They were thrown into the chilly Atlantic Ocean. Because the juju woman told the Government by so doing, they would be weakened scientifically. And they would confess. As for those arrested in 2010, none was tortured physically. Why did all this happen in the opposite? Simple! In 1977, there were no International or local Human Rights organizations on the "ground." In 2010, we have The Catholic Justice & Peace Commission (JPC), Carter Center and more. In 1977, the United Nations was not visible on the ground. It did not have a Mission in Liberia. Today, 2010, we have The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). UNMIL has its own Human Rights Commission, Civil Affairs, Police & Military. In 1977, there were not a single social justice advocates like myself to raise an alarm over the abuses, arbitrary arrests and physical and psychological torture. In 2010, I am here and making some ripples through advocacy. Other social justice advocates and I are taking the Government of Liberia up to task and forcing it to protect and uphold the Constitution of the Republic. Most important, the sharpest dissimilarity in the two cases is that President Tolbert was totally involved in the 1977 Case. In the 2010 Case, Ellen is not directly involved. And it makes a sharp difference!
Please read below.
Ritual Killings Part II: The second half of the 20th century:
‘heart man’ murders
© fpm van der kraaij
“In reality, however, it is very likely that the trial of the Maryland murderers and their conviction and subsequent execution was influenced by a power struggle within the Americo-Liberian ruling class. Not more than 30 families had always decided the country’s fortunes and misfortunes, although they never ruled simultaneously.”
“During the Tubman era (1944-1971) members of the Tubman, Padmore, Barnes, Brewer, Grimes, Sherman, Weeks, Anderson and Yancy families climbed high on the political ladder. After Vice-President William Tolbert succeeded President Tubman in 1971, members of the Tolbert clan replaced them: the Tolbert, Hoff, David, McClain, Holder and Pierre families. Both Tubman and Tolbert used Liberians of tribal descent, to broaden their political base and to compensate for the loss of support from some Americo-Liberian families by giving them high positions in their Government or even cabinet posts. “
“Within the TWP, the fight for power and public positions in combination with different, opposing views on societal issues and development politics separated the two camps – although no clear line of demarcation existed due to the numerous intermarriages and other individual personal relations. E.g. President Tolbert’s daughter Wokie is married to ‘Shad’ Tubman, the eldest son of President William Tubman, whereas a deceased daughter of Tolbert had been married to a Yancy. Liberian politics prior to the 1980 coup had very much been characterized by this mixture of relations (see Fraenkel, Liebenow, Lowenkopf in References). “
“Against this background it is inevitable to pose the question: was President Tolbert sincere in his fight against ritual killings and other serious crimes? How sincere was he? “
“It is difficult to answer this question without hesitation – be it with a straightforward ‘no’ or with a convinced ‘yes’. President Tolbert, who certainly had been ‘close’ to a number of the ritualistic murders, which occurred during the Administration of his predecessor, started his presidency in a flashy way quickly introducing a number of reforms and changes. This earned him the nickname ‘Speedy’ but also brought him in conflict with the more conservative wing of the ruling powerful political party, the True Whig Party. It was not accidentally that he took a firm stand once he was firmly seated in the political arena. “
“When he took over the reigns of government, Tolbert first finished Tubman’s truncated term of office but then continued, the following four years, on the basis of Tubman’s victory in the 1971 presidential elections. In 1975 Tolbert had been elected in his own right and his 8-year presidential term had started in January 1976. He may have been determined to introduce some changes which were long overdue in the areas of foreign relations, foreign investments, relations between the Americo-Liberian political class and the tribal masses, his ‘fight against poverty, disease and ignorance, etc. As the nation’s president he held the Constitution in one hand but as a religious leader he held the Bible in the other hand. “
“His apparent sincerity in desiring political reforms and fighting lawlessness, however, is surrounded by a number of intriguing questions. Both before and after the arrest of Anderson, Yancy et al, there have been numerous cases of ritual killings. The Liberian press always very openly reported on dead bodies found ‘with several parts missing’, the most common expression to refer to ritual and cannibalistic practices. Arrests made in connection with these murders were pretty rare whereas public trials, convictions and public execution of the suspects found guilty were never reported - at least based on the same local newspapers. Were there cover-ups, like the case in Grand Cape Mount County? Or were too mighty people involved whose loss of support Tolbert could not afford? Or had relatives been involved? It should not be forgotten that the Tolbert-clan was one of the biggest in the country. “
“Furthermore, President Tolbert had signed several death warrants since November 19, 1971 when he signed the first one, sending a Nigerian science professor, Justin Obi, to the gallows. Subsequently, eight other convicted murderers had been hanged, among whom his cousin William Tolbert who had killed his wife. The latest two executed murderers were Borbor Brown and Kekulah Vogbor, in 1978, who died from the capital punishment after much public attention.”
“ The Harper hanging was the fifth in the series since November 19, 1971. Altogether, and including the ‘Harper Seven’, sixteen convicted murderers had been hanged since 1971 (The Liberian Age, Feb. 16 1979, ‘Seven hanged At Dawn’). Whatever one may think of the capital punishment, sixteen executions compares - relatively speaking - favourably with the several hundreds of convicted murderers in Liberian prisons. In fact, the capital punishment in Liberia was rarely executed. So the question emerges: why then in the case of the Harper Seven? Was it because of his feelings of ‘justice’ or did President Tolbert pursue this case because he wanted to reduce the power of some influential Maryland families, in particular those who had been close to former President Tubman? ““We may never know the answer for sure. The following year President Tolbert was brutally murdered in the Executive Mansion. In general, he shunned the mansion, reportedly because of his fear of the ‘bad spirits’, which - according to popular rumours - haunted the presidential palace and which were linked to ritual ceremonies which allegedly had taken place in it during the Tubman years. President Tolbert’s death started the decline of Americo-Liberian supremacy, but it did not stop ritualistic killings in the
Ritual Killings Part II: The second half of the 20th century:
‘heart man’ murders
© fpm van der kraaij
“In reality, however, it is very likely that the trial of the Maryland murderers and their conviction and subsequent execution was influenced by a power struggle within the Americo-Liberian ruling class. Not more than 30 families had always decided the country’s fortunes and misfortunes, although they never ruled simultaneously.”
“During the Tubman era (1944-1971) members of the Tubman, Padmore, Barnes, Brewer, Grimes, Sherman, Weeks, Anderson and Yancy families climbed high on the political ladder. After Vice-President William Tolbert succeeded President Tubman in 1971, members of the Tolbert clan replaced them: the Tolbert, Hoff, David, McClain, Holder and Pierre families. Both Tubman and Tolbert used Liberians of tribal descent, to broaden their political base and to compensate for the loss of support from some Americo-Liberian families by giving them high positions in their Government or even cabinet posts. “
“Within the TWP, the fight for power and public positions in combination with different, opposing views on societal issues and development politics separated the two camps – although no clear line of demarcation existed due to the numerous intermarriages and other individual personal relations. E.g. President Tolbert’s daughter Wokie is married to ‘Shad’ Tubman, the eldest son of President William Tubman, whereas a deceased daughter of Tolbert had been married to a Yancy. Liberian politics prior to the 1980 coup had very much been characterized by this mixture of relations (see Fraenkel, Liebenow, Lowenkopf in References). “
“Against this background it is inevitable to pose the question: was President Tolbert sincere in his fight against ritual killings and other serious crimes? How sincere was he? “
“It is difficult to answer this question without hesitation – be it with a straightforward ‘no’ or with a convinced ‘yes’. President Tolbert, who certainly had been ‘close’ to a number of the ritualistic murders, which occurred during the Administration of his predecessor, started his presidency in a flashy way quickly introducing a number of reforms and changes. This earned him the nickname ‘Speedy’ but also brought him in conflict with the more conservative wing of the ruling powerful political party, the True Whig Party. It was not accidentally that he took a firm stand once he was firmly seated in the political arena. “
“When he took over the reigns of government, Tolbert first finished Tubman’s truncated term of office but then continued, the following four years, on the basis of Tubman’s victory in the 1971 presidential elections. In 1975 Tolbert had been elected in his own right and his 8-year presidential term had started in January 1976. He may have been determined to introduce some changes which were long overdue in the areas of foreign relations, foreign investments, relations between the Americo-Liberian political class and the tribal masses, his ‘fight against poverty, disease and ignorance, etc. As the nation’s president he held the Constitution in one hand but as a religious leader he held the Bible in the other hand. “
“His apparent sincerity in desiring political reforms and fighting lawlessness, however, is surrounded by a number of intriguing questions. Both before and after the arrest of Anderson, Yancy et al, there have been numerous cases of ritual killings. The Liberian press always very openly reported on dead bodies found ‘with several parts missing’, the most common expression to refer to ritual and cannibalistic practices. Arrests made in connection with these murders were pretty rare whereas public trials, convictions and public execution of the suspects found guilty were never reported - at least based on the same local newspapers. Were there cover-ups, like the case in Grand Cape Mount County? Or were too mighty people involved whose loss of support Tolbert could not afford? Or had relatives been involved? It should not be forgotten that the Tolbert-clan was one of the biggest in the country. “
“Furthermore, President Tolbert had signed several death warrants since November 19, 1971 when he signed the first one, sending a Nigerian science professor, Justin Obi, to the gallows. Subsequently, eight other convicted murderers had been hanged, among whom his cousin William Tolbert who had killed his wife. The latest two executed murderers were Borbor Brown and Kekulah Vogbor, in 1978, who died from the capital punishment after much public attention.”
“ The Harper hanging was the fifth in the series since November 19, 1971. Altogether, and including the ‘Harper Seven’, sixteen convicted murderers had been hanged since 1971 (The Liberian Age, Feb. 16 1979, ‘Seven hanged At Dawn’). Whatever one may think of the capital punishment, sixteen executions compares - relatively speaking - favourably with the several hundreds of convicted murderers in Liberian prisons. In fact, the capital punishment in Liberia was rarely executed. So the question emerges: why then in the case of the Harper Seven? Was it because of his feelings of ‘justice’ or did President Tolbert pursue this case because he wanted to reduce the power of some influential Maryland families, in particular those who had been close to former President Tubman? ““We may never know the answer for sure. The following year President Tolbert was brutally murdered in the Executive Mansion. In general, he shunned the mansion, reportedly because of his fear of the ‘bad spirits’, which - according to popular rumours - haunted the presidential palace and which were linked to ritual ceremonies which allegedly had taken place in it during the Tubman years. President Tolbert’s death started the decline of Americo-Liberian supremacy, but it did not stop ritualistic killings in the
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